Relevance of Yockey today.
What relevance does the work of Francis Parker Yockey have for the Far Right today, in the 21st century, after the drama of Trump, in the ruins of the Alt Right, after Brexit, and within the context of current-day nationalist activism?
Yockey’s work, including and especially Imperium, has genuine support from a small and very selective fraction of the Far Right, which includes some of its more thoughtful members. Unfortunately, Yockey’s work is also insincerely promoted by some who Yockey would have denounced as treasonous Culture Retarders – ethnonationalists, some of whom proudly self-described as “petty nationalists” and who oppose pan-Europeanism and Yockey’s Imperium idea. We have also seen a resurgence of another rightist paradigm that Yockey opposed – Nordicism (and other similar forms of divisive ethnic fetishism). Yet another extant rightist paradigm that Yockey would oppose, and that itself opposes Yockeyian pan-Europeanism, is the HBD cult, which worships IQ, divides Europeans against each other, and elevates Jews and East Asians as superior Herrenvolk. Indeed, all three branches of the anti-Yockeyian Right have formed an informal collaboration - the HBD-Nordicist-ethnonationalist alliance, which is particularly strong in the Anglosphere, even more particularly in America. So, while Yockey and his work has some cachet on the Right, in general, the current trends in Far Right "thought" are for the most part unalterably opposed to Yockey’s grand idea. In Europe itself, petty nationalist ethnonationalism dominates the Right; the only group related to Yockey’s ideal would be Norman Lowell’s Imperium Europa in Malta. The negative experience of the European Union (EU) has left a bitter taste in the mouth of many in the European Right, much of which is moving away from the idea of “Europe as a nation,” and some of the support these nationalist parties may get from abroad (Russia?) could have interests opposed to European unity.
Indeed, the EU has been a double-edged sword with respect to Yockey’s Imperium ideal. On the positive side, it demonstrated an inherent European desire for cohesiveness, and it neatly refutes one of the (asinine) arguments of the petty nationalists – e.g.., “how can Europeans be together in the same state when you can’t even get Czechs and Slovaks to stay together in the same state,” or some (moronic) variation thereof. Well, Czechs and Slovaks are no longer in the same nation state, but they are both members of the EU, demonstrating that intra-European ethnic rivalries may be best managed as part of an overarching political structure. On the negative side – and it is a large negative – the way the EU has actually been implemented, as an anti-European, anti-White, and anti-Western globalist monstrosity, enabling genocidal race replacement migration and restricting free speech and the political ability of native Europeans to defend their own group interests, has, to many minds, delegitimized the very idea of a “European Union.” Even a pro-Imperium pan-Europeanist such as myself opposes the current EU and cheered Brexit. But one must distinguish the fundamental idea of union from the distorted and flawed implementation of the idea. The fact that many on the European Right still support the idea of the EU, at least in principle, despite is horrific actualization, suggests, along with support for the EU across the rest of the political spectrum, broad support, among a large proportion of the European population, for the idea of at least some type of union. In this sense, at the most fundamental level, Yockey has been vindicated.
The future, in the short-term and medium-term, does not look bright for Yockeyism. Obviously, the Left, Center, and Mainstream Right reject a key element of his core message – a European Imperium for Europeans and European interests as opposed to a EU that privileges aliens - and to the extent that Europeans have legitimized part of Yockey’s ideal by embracing the EU, that project has been so mismanaged, has been so hijacked into the antithesis of an authentic Imperium, that it has delegitimized the "Europe as Nation" idea for large swathes of both the Right in general and the Far Right in particular. In America, Yockeyism has always taken a back seat to Nordicist Nutzism, and even many who superficially promote Yockey’s work actually promote a petty nationalism that Yockey himself would denounce as culture retarding treason. The main currents of Nordicism, HBD, and ethnonationalism inherent in much of American activism is opposed to everything Yockey believed in, fought for, and died for.
In addition, some individuals who are Yockeyists, or say they are, seem to focus more on the “spiritual” and esoteric aspects of Yockey the man and Yockey the ideologue, and seem uninterested in the hardcore pragmatic political ideals that formed the basis of the Imperium worldview. Despite the fact that Yockey’s name is often mentioned on the Far Right, and in many ways mentioned positively (but not always positively, of course), the fact also remains that the Far Right for the most part rejects and unalterably opposes Yockeyian pan-Europeanism, and rejects and defames those who actually are pan-Europeanists in a real, genuine sense.
Long-term practical prospects are unknown and I will not speculate on those here. I neither want to be a delusional “victory is assured” fascist of the type Roger Griffin mocks, nor do I want to be equally dogmatic in asserting the inherent impossibility of achieving Yockey’s vision. We can merely be realistic and look ahead, forward to a reasonable time frame, and say that things do not look good at all.
That is all from a descriptive basis. What about prescription? Here, I suppose I have nothing to say that will be much of a surprise to long time readers of my work. Obviously, I favor, in general, the Yockeyian pan-European perspective, although I of course disagree with Yockey on some fundamental details of epiphenomena associated with his work, the details of which, again, long time readers of my own material should be familiar with. The superiority of the broad Yockeyian perspective should be (but, alas is not for many activists) self-evident, compared to the “competition.” HBD is transparent Jew-worship and Asian-worship, and is openly hostile to White nationalism and kinship-based racial politics. Nordicism is a factually incorrect, outdated, and needlessly divisive childish ideology, akin in many ways to Afrocentrism, and works against broader White interests. Ethnonationalism is to a large extent responsible for creating the existential race problems Whites face today; further, ethnonationalists typically reveal themselves to be ethnoimperialist hypocrites. Everything Yockey said about “vertical racists” and “culture retarders” fits the Nordicists and ethnonationalists; Yockey couldn’t imagine the stupidity of HBD, but I suppose if you stretch some of his comments against a self-destructively hyper-rationalistic materialist outlook (“it’s all IQ!"), then there would be grist for the mill there. Certainly, one could only imagine what Yockey would think about prioritizing Jewish and Asian interests over those of ethnic Europeans, or what he would think about White “Yellow Supremacists” or “The Arctic Alliance” or “Jeurasian” mongrelization.
We see more and more that the Clash of Civilizations endangers the West. The threat of the Global South, Islam, China, the culture retarders and other traitors in our own ranks, all of this comes down to the hatred of those opposed to the High Culture of the West, and the treason of those within the West with a vested interest in its downfall, or, at least, a vested interest in perpetuating the intra-West fissures that have led to our sorry state. Against all of this the Yockeyian perspective stands like a colossus. We also observe that basing White resistance solely on a pure materialist basis not only runs the risk of degenerating into HBD and Nordicism, but lacks the proper motivating passion, the idealism that has always underpinned the self-sacrificial fervor of the leftist enemy. Yockeyism and its objectives - even if possibly “irrational” from the purely empirical perspective - remedies that. The fact that petty nationalist enemies of Yockey’s Imperium ideal find themselves trying to associate with Yockey, find themselves attracted to his work, even promoting and selling that work (that they actually oppose), attests to that work's power. The EU, for all its faults, points to an inner recognition of European organic solidarity, of White comity, and recent events creates more and more an idea of White solidarity and comity in the European Diaspora, as anti-White forces gather their strength.
Hence, Yockeyism is more relevant than ever, and has more to offer than ever. It is only because of the inherent defects of the “movement” – in America, Europe, and elsewhere – that the descriptive, on-the-ground prospects for Yockeyism is so poor, so disheartening, and why, regardless of what attractiveness “The Cult of Saint Francis” holds for some activists, they reject Yockey’s fundamental message.
The problem is not with Yockeyism; the problem is with the “movement,” broadly defined. Hence, the paradox - in the 21st century, Yockeyism is more relevant than ever, yet it is ignored and disregarded, at least with respect to its practical fundamentals, more than ever. That is a world historical crime for which the “movement” – and the Right more generally – can never be forgiven.